ANALYSIS: Uzbekistan's migration overhaul is an economic strategy, not just a labour policy

ANALYSIS: Uzbekistan's migration overhaul is an economic strategy, not just a labour policy
Uzbekistan's labour migration meeting on Monday looked like an administrative review. It was really the unveiling of a new economic model, one that treats the country's workers as its most valuable export, and tries to sell them at a higher price.
The starting point is scale. Uzbekistan has millions of citizens working abroad, and their remittances keep countless families afloat. Until now, much of that flow was informal, low-skilled and poorly protected: seasonal farm work, construction jobs found through middlemen, and too many cases of fraud. The system produced money, but it left value on the table and workers exposed.
What changed is demand. The European Union has for the first time written Central Asian specialists into its migration strategy, and Germany alone ordered 45,000 specialists from Uzbekistan this year. Britain needs 33,000 workers. These are not seasonal hands. They are nurses, welders, electricians and logistics staff, and they are paid accordingly. Uzbekistan's problem is that it could only place about 2,000 people in Germany, because too few speak German and too few arrive with a recognised qualification.
Mirziyoyev's answer is to industrialise the pipeline. One migration centre per region, 8 billion soums each, training that pairs a profession with German language, grants for training providers whose graduates land good jobs abroad, and a forum in Tashkent from November 30 to December 5 that puts Uzbek workers directly in front of European and Gulf employers. The state is moving from passive regulator to active broker.
There are risks. Training 10,000 people for Germany is a start, not a solution, and language training on that scale needs teachers Uzbekistan does not yet have in sufficient numbers. Private agencies, whose numbers tripled after licensing was simplified, have already produced fraud cases, and a new law will have to separate real recruiters from middlemen. And the brain drain question is real: every skilled nurse who leaves is one fewer at home, unless returnees, more than 1.1 million this year, bring skills and savings back with them.
The pension promise matters here. Counting work experience abroad toward pensions tells migrants that the state sees their years abroad as service to the country, not absence from it. That is the political bargain behind the whole overhaul: Uzbekistan will invest in making its workers employable abroad, and in return it expects remittances, skills and loyalty to flow back.
What to watch: whether the first migration centres open on schedule next year, whether German placements jump from thousands toward the tens of thousands ordered, and whether the November 30 forum produces signed employer deals rather than memoranda. If placements stay low, the overhaul will read as ambition without delivery.
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